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ISLAND IN PARADISE
Compiled and written
by TAUMOA
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with the little star: notes added by Chuck Corbett
*The photo above is a satallite picture from NASA. It is from about 200 miles up and I think Taumoa could have titled his paper "Island in the Blue".
*You you see how the shape is a little like a foot print. The name Tabuaeran is taken from the Cook Island name Tabuaerangi meaning Heavenly or Scared Foot Print. Either way it is is one one the more beautiful Atoll I have lived on and I reckon it is an "Island Paradise"
*The Nowegian Star visits once a week.
*Also if your an Fanning on NCL (Norwegian Cruise Line) day you can stop his place at the t-shirt stand (fanning-island.com t-shirts) buy a copy.
*Also by appointmant through this site you can arrange to have Taumoa be your guild on NCL day.
ISLAND IN PARADISE
WRITTEN AND COMPILED BY TAUMOA
Chapter One
THE DISCOVERY OF FANNING ISLAND
TABUAERAN
In 1798, Captain Edmund Fanning, commander of the 100-ton American whaling vessel, “Betsy”, passed through the Central Pacific on his way to China with a cargo of seal skins obtained from the Juan Fernandez Islands. He called first at the Marquesas Islands in French Polynesia, and then made his way west. At 3 a.m. on 11th June breakers were seen ahead. These breakers were at the north east point of a low coral atoll, which was named Fanning's Island after the captain. The ''Betsey'' sailed along the north coast to the western side of the island and anchored off the passage into the lagoon. Captain Fanning thought the island was a most pleasant stopping place and described it in these terms:
''Sufficient depth of water through the passage for any merchant ship to pass in, and on the inner or bay side is smooth and convenient anchoring, which, together with the abundance of wood and water, the tropical fruits, best of fresh, and excellent turtle, here to be obtained, make this a very desirable spot, for the refitting of a ship, and refreshing a crew.''
The “Betsy” took on firewood and a boatload of coconuts and set sail in a northerly direction. At noon next day Fanning discovered another very attractive island which he called Washington’s Island after the American president. He described it as ‘covered with plants or grass, presenting to our eyes a beautiful, green and flourishing appearance.’ As they had restocked the ship the day before, Fanning decided not to stop here. On the night of 14th June, Fanning narrowly escape being wrecked on Kingman Reef, but continued his journey and eventually reached China safely. The neighboring island, now called Palmyra, was discovered four years later by Captain Sawle of the American ship ''Palmyra''. Both Kingman Reef and Palmyra are now American territory.
Tabuaeran Island is situated at N 3˚23' and W 159˚ 20', 160 miles northwest of Christmas Island. It is a relatively large ring-type atoll, 11 miles long and 7 miles wide, with a total land area of 7900 acres divided into three main islands by channels, the deepest of which has a least depth of 16 feet. The other two channels are closed by the fringing coral reef, passable only by small boats in calm weather at high tide. The lagoon has a mean depth of 16 feet. Tabuaeran Island, being within the equatorial convergence zone, has an annual rainfall of 82 inches.
The name Tabuaeran comes from the original Polynesian word ‘tabuaerangi’, which means ‘sacred footprint’. Ancient remains of a Polynesian marae have been carbon-dated at over one thousand years old. Pearl shellfish hooks discovered at this site were of a Tuamotuan type and an adze found was similar to those made in Tonga. It would appear from several ancient grave sites that there was a Polynesian settlement at Napari beside a former lagoon passage, but there were no inhabitants on Tabuaeran when Captain Fanning arrived.
In 1846, William Greig, a Scotsman, settled on Fanning Island (Tabuaeran) with a wife from Manihiki in the Cook Islands. Using labor from that island he planted coconuts, exported coconut oil and later copra. In the 19th century Fanning Island was also exploited for guano, which was shipped to Honolulu. The British communications company, Cable and Wireless, chose Fanning Island as a site for its central Pacific telephone cable relay station, which started operations in 1902 at Napari. Because of the relatively good communications links – direct contact with Australia via Samoa and with the UK via Canada, plus regular shipping to keep the station supplied – the District Officer for the Line Islands was based on Fanning until the occupation of Christmas Island by US troops during the Second World War.
Burns Philip & Co., the large Australian company with trading and plantation interests throughout the Pacific, bought Fanning and Washington Islands in 1936 from Emile Rougier, who acquired interest in Fanning Islands Plantations from the sons of William Greig.
In 1956, Cable and Wireless rebuilt their facilities, but eventually left Fanning in 1964. The company had operated the repeater station continuously for 62 years, except for a short period in 1916, when a German raiding vessel, Nuremburg landed at Napari and cut the cable. New cable routes and satellite communication rendered the station obsolete. From 1966 to 1981, the former cable station facilities were leased to the University of Hawaii for its Pacific Equatorial Research Project. Extensive oceanographic research was carried out. Equatorial surface and sub currents were monitored and recorded. Tide monitoring and recording stations were also set up on Washington Island, Christmas Island, Canton Island and Tarawa Island. An airfield was constructed which allowed for regular contact with Christmas Island. Due to inadequate support grants from the US Government, however, the University of Hawaii had to close the station in 1981.
Chapter Two
THE RESETTLEMENT SCHEME
Fanning, Washington and Christmas Islands
In 1983 Burns Philip sold Fanning Islands Plantations, consisting of Tabuaeran (Fanning) and Teraina (Washington), to the Republic of Kiribati. There were negotiations for the leasing back to Burns Philip of the two islands, but political pressure prevailed and a Government plan was drawn up to settle the two islands with surplus population from the crowded islands of the main Gilbert Group. Settlement site surveys commenced in 1987 and one acre plots were allocated to the former Burns Philip employees, who had been given a welfare support grant by the company with which they purchased their plots at AU$1,000 per acre. Only one employee did not wish to remain and was paid the value of his land plus interest. On Fanning Island, 92 former employees were allocated plots and 83 on Washington Island. In 1987, the total population including dependents numbered about 450 on each island.
The first transshipment of voluntary settlers from the main Gilbert Island group occurred in 1988. It had previously been calculated that the two islands together could absorb 5,700 settlers over a ten-year period and an individual island allocation system was worked out. Each of the home islands in the Gilbert Group was given a quota based on its population density and agricultural fertility (based on rainfall). The urban center, Tarawa, was treated differently with settlers chosen from among true Tarawa-born citizens, as much of their land is under Government lease and sublease.
Each individual island council was given responsibility for selecting it own voluntary settlers. The councils in turn asked each village to recruit settlers. Councils were instructed to recruit family groups, that is, heads of household with at least two dependents. The last transshipment of settlers took place in April 1990. By that time, a total of 310 families had been settled on both islands, Fanning and Washington. Fanning Island received 210 households consisting of 800 people and Washington received 100 families consisting of 400 people. The 1990 census figures showed a total population for the Line Islands as follows: Christmas Island 2,522, Fanning Island 1,608 and Washington Island 936. This 55% increase in the population of the Line Islands has absorbed 26% of the national population increase since 1985.
Upon arrival, each head of household receives a quarter-acre house plot in a designated settlement area and a three-quarter acre bush plot adjacent to the settlement. The cost for the one acre total is AU$1,000, which the settlers are allowed to pay off as they are able. Most are having difficulty making payments, due to their limited incomes. They also have access to the low lying swamp areas; dry land areas are reserved for allocation to future settlers. Settlers retain their land rights back on their home islands. Settlers are encouraged to bring building materials, tools and canoes, as well as household goods they would need to start their new lives.
The settlement project has received significant support from the New Zealand Government and to a lesser extent from Australia. They have supplied such things as tractors, small boats, a variety of tools and survey equipment. Bicycles, provided by China, assembled in Tarawa, were also sold to settlers at assembly and freight cost. New primary schools are being built and medical facilities (medical centers and dispensaries) are about to get underway. A small secondary school is also planned for Fanning Island.
The Agriculture Division, with an assistant on each island, provides the settlers with seedlings for planting: fast maturing dwarf coconuts, tall coconuts and breadfruit. There are medical assistants on Fanning Island and Washington Island as well as schoolteachers and island administration staff employed by the Government.
Meanwhile, there are more employees on Fanning Island than Washington Island, due to the difference in number and kinds of departments. As such, there is a Meteorological Office with one officer, three nurses, one on each of the three dispensaries. Moreover, there are other new departments, there is one Tourism Officer, one Immigration Officer and one Customs Officer. In addition, there are three primary schools, one Junior Secondary School and one College (Meleang Tab’ai College) on the island, while Washington Island has only one Primary School and one Junior Secondary School.
As the beautiful remote island is now part of the Republic of Kiribati, however, Gilbertese is the native language, art and culture on Fanning.
Chapter Three
TRADITION
Ancient Gilbertese Society
The Kaainga
Before European times, the main social group in Gilbertese society was the kaainga, a small group of extended families related through a common ancestor. The twenty to a hundred members of each kaainga shared a piece of land on which all member families built their homes, thus forming a kaainga hamlet. The land of the kaainga usually extended from the ocean side of the atoll to the lagoon side, including the adjacent section of ocean reef and lagoon reef. In the reef islands, the land of the kaainga extended from one ocean reef to the other right across the island. Access to this area was confined to the kaainga members.
When the number in the kaainga became too large, a group of closely related families would establish another kaainga nearby. For most purposes this kaainga would acknowledge the pre-eminence of the original kaainga, which would still be headed by the man regarded as the most senior leader of the various related kaainga.
On most northern islands the various families that made up the kaainga shared one m’aneaba (hall), the meetinghouse and focal point where issues of social, political and economic significance were discussed, and visitors were entertained. On most of the southern islands, a kaainga did not possess a m’aneaba of its own but had however, a boti (sitting place) in m’aneaban te kaawa (the district hall).
There was also usually a kitchen for the kaainga as a whole, a storehouse for coconuts, and a bleaching house where young girls were kept away from the sun so that their skin might become as light as possible, either for marriage orto make them more attractive when they danced. Each family within the kaainga would have its own sleeping house with its floor raised several feet above the ground to make the inhabitants safe from attacks at night. Just below the roof of the sleeping houses there was another floor where produce like te kabubu (a kind of flour made from pandanus fruit), te tuae (a dried pandanus paste), te kam’aim’ai (coconut toddy syrup), and dried fish were stored. This produce was put aside for future use at ceremonies and district hall (m’aneaba) gatherings.
Some kaainga in the northern islands had managed to achieve dominance, usually through superior magical powers, especially as this was interpreted in the outcome of wars. In the southern islands the old men (unim’ane) of each district hall (m’aneaba) dominated decision-making, which affected more than one kaainga.
Each kaainga was generally self-sufficient and relied on its two major resources – the land and the sea. There were ceremonial exchanges of food on such occasions as marriage feasts, but no evidence of trading between kaainga.
The leader and other members
Customarily the leadership of the kaainga went to the oldest male who was given the title of te baatua, or in some kaainga, atuun te kaainga (head of the group of extended families) or te ikawai (the old one). In recognition of his leadership he ate before all other members of the kaainga . In the case of disobedience of an offence against generally accepted standards of behavior the baatua could reprimand the offender or expel him orher from the kaainga. Usually the person expelled would go to stay with his mother’s family. The baatua organized the distribution of work and generally regulated affairs within the kaainga.
The baatua also represented the kaainga in its dealings with other kaainga in the district. He would, for example, arrange marriages and adoptions, negotiate with other baatua for the services of specialists in such matters as canoe building or medicine and lead his kaainga in meetings and ceremonies organized on a district basis.
The other members of the kaainga were his wife, their children, grandchildren, and adopted children and often his brothers and their families. Under the leadership of the baatua, the adult males cultivated b’ab’ai (not unlike a coarse type of taro), fished, cut toddy, and gathered food from the land. They were also responsible for the construction of buildings and canoes. The baatua’s wife, helped by her daughters-in-law and unmarried daughters, cooked, made kabubu and kam’aim’ai, wove mats and taught these skills to the young.
Every Gilbertese belonged to a kaainga through both his father and his mother. Children most commonly lived in the father’s kaainga. Women moved to their husband’s kaainga at marriage. If the mother’s parents had only a small family, or a family of daughters and a large land holding, a male child from a large family might be sent to live with them. In this case a younger son could assume a position of importance in his mother’s kaainga.
Adoption
Most kaainga would include a small number of adopted children. Childless couples often adopted the children of the brothers or sisters of either partner. In some cases a family would adopt non-relatives. The prospective adoptive parents would approach the parents early in the pregnancy, and even if they were not in favor of the adoption they would be shamed if they rejected the approach, as it was customary to accept such offers, especially from outside the kinship circle. The adopters would attend the birth to see the child and give it the name of one of their ancestors. The adoptive parents usually took the child after the ceremony marking its first birthday or later, if the baby was not yet able to eat solid food. After the adoption, the real parents and the adoptive parents treated each other as close kin.
Visitors
Each kaainga anticipated visits from non-relatives and for marriage negotiations or the arrangement of adoption from the married women of the kaainga. Visitors were regarded as very important people. Everyone had to be respectful towards them and to excuse him or herself whenever they walked near the visitors. The food provided for the guests was to be more carefully prepared than usual and to include special dishes. Food that had been stored in the upper floor of the house was now used; b’ab’ai was uprooted and fresh fish had to be caught every day. The guests, whether male or female, would always eat first with the baatua and then the other members of the kaainga would eat what remained.
Birth
A woman was expected to become pregnant as soon as possible after marriage. When it became known that she was pregnant, she was confined to the house because people believed that wandering spirits could take the baby from her belly if she went walking in the bushes. Certain foods were forbidden to her because of the effects, which they might have on the unborn child. For example it was believed that the flat fish called in Gilbertese 'te baibai' would distort the eyes or sight of the child. Food which had been partly eaten by rats, it was thought, would make the child a troublemaker, while the remnants of fish used for bait would twist the limbs of the child.
As soon as she knew she was pregnant, the woman left her husband's home and lived with her own parents to await the birth. It was usual for a woman to continue to rely heavily on her own mother and to be less shy to ask for unusual foods that she might want during pregnancy or to tell them of the tasks she wished to avoid.
At the time of labor the woman was given medicine to drink. Some women used roots of special plants, which were scraped, left in water, and then squeezed. The solution obtained was given to the woman to drink. Others used leaves of plants in the same way. This medicine would give the woman strength and help to promote swift birth. Sitting beside the patient was the deliverer, usually her grandmother or her aunt, if they knew the art, but if there was no expert from the family circle, they would ask an expert from another kaainga. There could also be others to help her during labor. If the labor was protracted the patient was given repeated doses of the medicine.
When the child was born, a grandmother put the newborn baby on a provided clean mat. If the child was a boy, the father or an expert was called to cut the umbilical cord, which he did with a toddy cutting ‘knife’ made from shell. At the same time he performed magic rituals to ensure that the baby would be a brave warrior and a strong man. In the case of a girl, a woman was called to cut the cord and to perform rituals, which would ensure the baby would be industrious and attractive when grown up. When the father’s relatives heard of the birth, they came to celebrate it by drinking kabubu (a drink made from pandanus ‘flour’ especially for such ceremonies). This ceremony was called te kauraura.
After three days the mother and the baby moved from the mother’s kaainga back to the father’s. When the cord fell off, one of the baby’s grandfathers wore the cord on his right wrist for three days. It was then carefully wrapped and put away in a safe place. It was believed that if a rat ate it, for example, then the boy would be mischievous in later life. In the case of a baby girl, the cord was worn by one of her grandmothers. This was done so that the child would follow in the footsteps of its elders. Feasting also took place on this occasion.
The first birthday of the first-born child was celebrated with feasting, as was also the case with the first son, even if daughters had been born before. Some families cut the hair of the child on its first birthday and some of them would leave part of the hair grow; a way of ensuring that in the future the child would be very careful in the way in which he consumed his produce.
Childhood
A boy was brought up to become a provider for the family and a warrior. After his first birthday, he was trained in ways that would make him strong and a brave warrior. Each kaainga had its own way of feeding and bathing the boy and its own rituals to ensure that this happened. On some islands the boy's diet was restricted to the best foods available: the flesh of coconut closest to the stalk, and always excluding the bottom part; the flesh from the upper part of the fish; and the middle part of b'ab'ai. At about the age of twelve, further steps were taken to develop his mind and physical strength. At the time of the spring tides, when the sea was usually rough, the boy was awoken at dawn and taken to the ocean side of the island where his chest was tapped by an oldest male relative and magic rituals were said. The boy was made to swim as far as he could in the rough seas and then return. This was done for three consecutive days at the same time each month until he could reach the point near the edge of the reef where the waves break.
Girls were brought up according to the methods associated with their kaainga. Girls who underwent bleaching (usually after the age of ten) were put in the bleaching house and subjected to magic rituals. Their skins was massaged and anointed with coconut cream. When a girl emerged from the house a day or two before marriage or before dancing, her complexion was fairer than before.
When the girl reached puberty, she was seated in the kaainga’s m’aneaba (hall) while her aunts provided her with skirts made of chewed coconut leaves to absorb the menstrual flow. The girl would use several of these skirts in a day. The girl only ate dry coconut and drank water at this time. At the end of her first menstruation a great feast was held, attended by her father’s and mother’s kaainga.
Marriage
Parents arranged marriages for their children. The parents of a boy would approach the family of the girl they wanted their son to marry. On some islands, children were betrothed at a very early age, sometimes even before birth; but others after puberty. All marriage negotiations were conducted by the parents, brothers, sisters or first cousins of the couple. Usually the first choice was a girl whose parents were from a kaainga that owned much land. The offer would have less chance of being accepted by a girl’s parents if the boy came from a family of low class, or was the youngest of a large family and thus unlikely to inherit much land. The girl’s parents would be pleased to accept if the boy’s parents had a small m'aneaba (hall), a baurua (a large sailing canoe) or a maa (fish trap), as they knew the boy would inherit considerable property.
The boy and girl would live in the boy’s kaainga from the time the negotiation was completed, and the marriage would take place soon after the girl reached puberty. The wedding ceremony was celebrated with a large feast attended by the two kaainga. The girl’s relatives would provide sleeping mats and the highly processed oil that was used for anointing. On some islands, when a girl left her parents to live with her husband, the girl was given a coconut grater, a grating mat, and a mallet for pounding pandanus leaves used in weaving sleeping mats. These were the tools used by women in their daily work. And on some islands, M’aiana Island for example, the mother’s biggest piece of land was transferred to the daughter. On other islands, the girl’s kaainga gave a large number of coconuts and, in exchange, the boy’s family provided baskets of fish.
On the first night of marriage the mats provided by the bride’s kaainga were spread in the house where the newly-weds was to sleep. Soon after feasting, and while the men of the kaainga were yarning, the boy and girl were called by the boy’s mother to go to bed and she remained nearby to report the result of the newly-weds’ first meeting. As soon as the boy called his mother, she would look for blood marks, and shout to the members of the kaainga that the girl was a virgin. The uncles of the boy would all rush and rub a little of the virgin’s blood on their cheeks. The girl’s body was then massaged by one of her husband’s uncles to relax her muscles. If the girl was not a virgin, her parents would take her back and cancel the marriage. Cases of this sort were rare as families were strict in controlling their daughters.
Polygamy was accepted. On some islands when a man married the eldest daughter of a family, her younger sisters also became his consorts after reaching puberty. These younger sisters were called taua ni kai (concubines). In northern islands (Northern Gilbert Islands), where chiefly systems existed, a chief could have several wives from different families.
Death
Our ancestors believed that death was not the result of ill health but was a punishment from the gods and spirits for disobeying them. Those who lived to a very old age were regarded as loyal to the supernatural forces. When somebody died, all the relatives of the kaainga held a mourning ceremony. The body was anointed with coconut oil, which had been scented with sweet smelling flowers.
The body was left in the center of the m’aneaba while it decomposed, and as the flesh fell away it was carefully wiped off the bones. While this was taking place the elderly relatives of the dead person would usually keep a vigil beside the body. Sometimes the close relatives expressed their sorrow by mixing some of the liquid, which dripped out of the body with their food, especially dried ripe coconut meat, before eating it. After all the flesh had been removed from the bones, these were placed in a burial ground near the kaainga. In some cases the skull would be kept separate and displayed in the house.
The Gilbertese people believed that at death the spirit left the body and proceeded northwards to the place where Nakaa waited making nets. Some spirits were trapped and others were able to return, eventually, to hover near their ancestral lands.
Religious Beliefs
Nareau was the god who was credited with creating the earth, the sky, the sun, the moon and the stars. After Nareau came an era of spirits (anti), then an era when the inhabitants of the earth were half-spirit, half-human (anti-ma-aomata) and humans evolved from them. The spirits – Riannewekabane, Auriaria, Tabuariki, Taburimai, Terakunene, Kaobunang, Nei Tetuabine and Tem’am’ang – were the most important figures in Gilbertese worship. Each kaainga would worship one of these spirits. On some islands all kaainga worshipped the same spirit, and on others a number of spirits--the shark, turtle, stingray, black noddy or various other kinds of fish and birds --were recognized by each group of worshippers, who were forbidden to kill or eat their totem.
The main objectives of Gilbertese worship were to obtain assistance from the spirits for special occasions like fighting, as well as for day-to-day matters, and to obtain protection from the anger of the spirits or from spells cast by enemies or rivals. It was believed that misfortunes and death were often the result of failure to behave properly towards the gods.
Each kaainga usually had a baangota where the spirits were worshipped. It was usually, but not always, located on the side of the kaainga closest to the ocean amongst trees and bush. The baangota was a few yards square and fenced with boulders. Within the fenced area the ground was covered with gravel, and in the center there was usually one to three trees. Beneath the trees there was usually a large block of coral and beside this a clam or other shells in which offerings to the spirit were placed. It was believed that the spirit could move around, even beyond the island, but that he would come to his baangota when called by his followers.
There was one main ibonga (priest), responsible for each baangota. Other members of the kaainga, usually chosen from the ibonga’s family might become his helpers. This practice ensured the continuation of the priest’s art and knowledge. Early in the morning and in the evening, and on special occasions, determined by the phases of the moon, the ibonga and his followers would gather in the baangota to worship. At most ceremonies there would be offerings to the spirits – usually valued foods like te korokoro (a special type of food made from te kabubu mixed with kam’aim’ai). In more recent times this was supplemented or replaced by tobacco. The ibonga would call the spirit and, after he had made contact with him, would make requests for the people. The spirit would make his instructions known by signs – especially in weather changes, movements of leaves or dreams – which only the ibonga could interpret. At the end of the worship the ibonga would collect the offerings, place a small amount under the large stone, and either distribute the rest or keep it for his or her own use.
Belief in tabunea (sorcery), was universal. The general purpose of spells and incantations was to obtain the support and protection of the supernatural in matters not covered by the usual worship.Examples of Gilbertese magic include saying incantations over a boy by one of his older male relatives, associated with exercises designed to strengthen his body. This combination of physical training and magical rituals would make him grow into a powerful warrior and a strong worker for his kaainga.
There was also magic used by both males and females to win the heart of a loved one. The name of the person desired would be recited as part of the incantation, and the magical power made to reach him of her in a number of ways. The most common was to say the spell over some object or food that would be worn, touched or eaten by the person concerned. If two people were directing spells at the same loved one, and this became known, each would try to eliminate the other by magic. There was magic for composing too, and one who wanted to compose a love song, or a song for mourning or for a special occasion, sought supernatural help. Finally, there was magic for killing an enemy or a rival (especially for love or power). The person cursed was expected to suffer from an accident or a disease. If the magic failed to kill the rival, it was believed that he was protected by more powerful magic. Politically ambitious men often used this type of magi in an attempt to overcome their rivals for leadership.
Resources and Economy
Nature endowed these islands with limited resources, but the Gilbertese people were content and developed ways of making the best possible use of them.
The coconut was the most important. It was a natural store, providing almost every need. The milk from the green nuts (moimoto) was sometimes used for drinking but in the drier Southern Gilbert Islands using the nut in this way was regarded as shameful because of the waste involved. The flesh of the mature nut could be used in a multitude of ways. It could be eaten as it was, or grated for use in cooking; it could also be grated and then squeezed and boiled to make oil for cooking and lighting. This oil could be refined further and made fragrant for use on the body as protection against the weather or for ceremonial anointing. The fibre from the husk was used to make string, for fishing lines or the construction of houses, canoes, or halls (m’aneaba). In addition, the spathe of the coconut palm could be bound and cut and the sap, called sweet toddy (te karewe), was collected in coconut shells. Te karewe could, if necessary, substitute for breast milk for feeding young children and was commonly used as a drink by people of all ages. Te karewe could be boiled to make syrup (kam’aim’ai), which could also be mixed with water for drinking and cooking. In post-European times the art of fermenting karewe to make kaokioki (sour toddy), an intoxicating drink, was learned. Coconut timber was used for house building and for making weapons. The roots and parts of the young leaves had medicinal uses as well.
The pandanus was also exploited to the full. The ripe fruit was used to make kabubu and tuae – both foods for either immediate consumption, or to store for future needs, especially in times of drought and special occasions. Pandanus leaves were used for making mats, for thatch, for making te kabae (mats worn by men). Its timber was particularly important in m’aneaba construction. It also had medicinal qualities and was used for making dyes. The other important food crops were b’ab’ai, not unlike a coarse type of taro, which had to be cultivated in pits dug down to the water table and took several years to mature, and the bero, a tree that produces small fig-like fruit.
There are no mineral resources, apart from the phosphate rock, which is found on B’anaba (Ocean Island). In fact, the most important natural resources in the
continue on History part B
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traditional sailing 1979
Gilbert Islands
Photo: Chuck Corbett
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Arriving at one of the
Gilbert Islands 1979
Photo: Chuck Corbett
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Chuck Corbett, Fanning Island
This gun was put in stalled in 1942
protect the Cable Station
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